D O C U M E N T 2 2 5 M A R C H 1 9 2 6 3 8 3 über ihr Wesen und will in einer Zeit, in der die Zionisten von der jüdischen Welt bei den Regierungen denunziert werden, die Juden zur Klarheit über ihre wirkliche Situation bringen.[6] Wir werden in dieser Aktion vor allem auch die Sonderart un- serer nationalen Bestrebungen darzulegen haben und einen deutlichen Trennungs- strich zwischen unserem Vorhaben und den chauvinistischen Tendenzen der europäischen Völker ziehen.— Ich bitte Sie, mir Ihr[e] Stellungnahme mitzuteilen. Herr Jakob Goldschmidt hat sich bereit erklärt, eine Stiftung für die Universität in Jerusalem zu machen.[7] Ich sehe ihn in den nächsten Tagen. Da ich annehme, dass Herr Goldschmidt seine Zuwendung einem besonderen Institut machen will, oder vielleicht ein eigenes Institut zu gründen beabsichtigt, würde ich gern mit Ih- nen sprechen, welchen Vorschlag ich ihm machen soll. Ich werde Sie in den näch- sten Tagen anrufen. Mit bestem Gruss Ihr Ihnen sehr ergebener Kurt Blumenfeld TLS. [43 298]. Typed on printed personal letterhead. There are perforations for a loose-leaf binder at the left margin of the document. [1]Blumenfeld (1884–1963) was president of the Zionistische Vereinigung für Deutschland. [2]At the 14th Zionist Congress, held in Vienna on 18–27 August 1925, Chaim Weizmann’s pro- Labor settlement policy in Palestine came under attack by the right-wing, bourgeois, and religious factions within the Zionist Organisation. This criticism arose against the background of the recent wave of middle-class and urban Jewish immigration to Palestine known as “the Fourth Aliyah.” Other issues of contention were the planned expansion of the Jewish Agency and the executive’s policies toward the Arab population. At the congress, the Revisionist party under Vladimir (Ze’ev) Jabotinsky made its first appearance as a separate faction. The ensuing polarization between the left-wing and right-wing factions led to Weizmann’s failure to obtain sufficient backing for his policies, even from the Labor factions. The executive’s plan for reform did not garner sufficient support, and the congress adjourned without reaching any clear decisions or electing an executive. The existing executive was asked to remain in office until its successor was selected (see Lavsky 1996, pp. 117, 122–125, and 167 and Freundlich 1977, p. 396, note 3). [3]The Zionist Executive had issued a call to all Zionist federations around the world to observe the Jewish month of Iyar as “Zionist Organisation Month” from 15 April to 15 May. In an appeal, Weizmann stated that the intention was “to implant more deeply the Zionist faith, courage and deter- mination in the hearts of our mobilized ranks and to stimulate the recruiting of our non-Zionist breth- ren for the work on behalf of our people’s future and our people’s Land” (see Jewish Daily Bulletin, 21 April 1926). [4]The “Iyar Campaign” (“Ijar-Aktion”) launched on 11 April with a session of the central com- mittee of the Zionistische Vereinigung für Deutschland at the Logenhaus in Berlin to which various German Zionist associations were invited. Guest of honor was Leo Motzkin, president of the Zionist Organisation’s actions committee, who advocated for propaganda in behalf of “total Zionism” (“den ‘totalen Zionismus’”) to replace the more focused campaigns (“Teilaktionen”) of recent years. Zion- ism needed to regain its status as “the most forceful representative” (“die konsequenteste Vertreterin”) of world Jewish interests, against the claims of Jewish assimilationists, in general, and their Crimea settlement campaign, in particular. In his speech, Blumenfeld defined the main significance of the organization month as the “attempt at a no-holds-barred taking stock vis-à-vis ourselves” (“Versuch einer rückhaltlosen Rechenschaftsablegung gegen uns selbst” see Jüdische Rundschau, 13 April 1926). [5]The Palestine Foundation Fund.