A C O N V E R S AT I O N W I T H E I N S T E I N 5 4 7
barren in the same way and to isolate us in terrible misery. War was profitable, and war was
possible while the regime of slavery was in force and the victor could effectively occupy
the enemy soil and literally destroy the population. With the abolition of slavery war has
been rendered useless and so should not only seem impossible but inconceivable. Regard-
ing economic disasters, a Dutch friend of mine was telling me that the Dutch colonies have
produced and are producing one of the most exquisite teas ever sold in all the world. Today
the Dutch, because of the great catastrophe driven by the exchange rates, can no longer sell
this tea and use it as fertilizer. Multiply this example by another one hundred thousand
similar examples and we will have the horrible picture of the unsolvability of war.
— Are they beginning to understand that in Germany?
— Yes, they are beginning to. Germany is now starting to study economics and politics.
In politics, it is like the young girl who is opening up herself to an understanding of life and
love. But if there still persists, in certain German classes and castes, I will not say the old
pan-Germanism but an exasperated and sad nationalism, a nationalism not as yet resigned,
this is due first of all to the Treaty of Versailles, then to the continuous series of ultimatums,
decrees, verdicts that the Allies repeatedly impose by virtue of the Treaty and that irritate
the wound and rekindle nationalistic sentiments. The Treaty of Versailles could be cruel,
but . . . up to a certain point. I believe that at least it could have been less cruel. You can
operate on a patient, but you must operate only once and then you must leave him alone, or
else he gets worse all over again. Peace is threatened in Germany by the “continuous in-
sults” that the Allies can deliver at any moment, on any occasion. The partition of territo-
ries, especially in eastern Prussia, has been one of these continuing insults that I deplore the
most, precisely because I believe it is the most harmful to the cause of peace.
— And the internal peace in Germany? There are those who believe that the economic
and monetary crisis will lead to a new revolution . . .
— I do not believe that is possible. The country works as much as it can, as much as the
Allies allow it to work. The working classes have a very difficult time, but are calm. For
example, I think the idea of a Bolshevik experiment should be excluded. Where they have
had a Bolshevik experiment, like in Bavaria, the foolish reactionary ambitions have again
become prevalent. If it were possible to think of internal movements, I would more likely
accept the possibility of a reactionary movement, Kappist, than a Bolshevik movement. Re-
member that Germany has a sense, by now, of the possibilities, understands, by now, what
is achievable and what is not. I repeat again that, also from the international point of view,
the Germans would gradually orient themselves towards an absolute and imperative idea of
peace if, almost every day, an act of the Allies did not push them up against the wall of their
offended nationalism. There are sanctions and pressures in the Peace Treaty which, as was
even told confidentially by someone who participates in the international councils of the
Allies, end up being either inapplicable or damaging to the Allies themselves. The political
leaders and the public at large need to gain even greater consciousness of the impossibility
and the inapplicability of certain provisions and to spread this knowledge throughout the
world by every means.
— You support it, don’t you, the Association of the League of Nations?
— I support it completely without subscribing to any organization. And on this matter I
do not hide my thoughts. It is necessary to make propaganda for immediate pacification and
for definitive peace. I do not wish to talk about the plans that should be devised in case of
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A C O N V E R S AT I O N W I T H E I N S T E I N 5 4 7
barren in the same way and to isolate us in terrible misery. War was profitable, and war was
possible while the regime of slavery was in force and the victor could effectively occupy
the enemy soil and literally destroy the population. With the abolition of slavery war has
been rendered useless and so should not only seem impossible but inconceivable. Regard-
ing economic disasters, a Dutch friend of mine was telling me that the Dutch colonies have
produced and are producing one of the most exquisite teas ever sold in all the world. Today
the Dutch, because of the great catastrophe driven by the exchange rates, can no longer sell
this tea and use it as fertilizer. Multiply this example by another one hundred thousand
similar examples and we will have the horrible picture of the unsolvability of war.
— Are they beginning to understand that in Germany?
— Yes, they are beginning to. Germany is now starting to study economics and politics.
In politics, it is like the young girl who is opening up herself to an understanding of life and
love. But if there still persists, in certain German classes and castes, I will not say the old
pan-Germanism but an exasperated and sad nationalism, a nationalism not as yet resigned,
this is due first of all to the Treaty of Versailles, then to the continuous series of ultimatums,
decrees, verdicts that the Allies repeatedly impose by virtue of the Treaty and that irritate
the wound and rekindle nationalistic sentiments. The Treaty of Versailles could be cruel,
but . . . up to a certain point. I believe that at least it could have been less cruel. You can
operate on a patient, but you must operate only once and then you must leave him alone, or
else he gets worse all over again. Peace is threatened in Germany by the “continuous in-
sults” that the Allies can deliver at any moment, on any occasion. The partition of territo-
ries, especially in eastern Prussia, has been one of these continuing insults that I deplore the
most, precisely because I believe it is the most harmful to the cause of peace.
— And the internal peace in Germany? There are those who believe that the economic
and monetary crisis will lead to a new revolution . . .
— I do not believe that is possible. The country works as much as it can, as much as the
Allies allow it to work. The working classes have a very difficult time, but are calm. For
example, I think the idea of a Bolshevik experiment should be excluded. Where they have
had a Bolshevik experiment, like in Bavaria, the foolish reactionary ambitions have again
become prevalent. If it were possible to think of internal movements, I would more likely
accept the possibility of a reactionary movement, Kappist, than a Bolshevik movement. Re-
member that Germany has a sense, by now, of the possibilities, understands, by now, what
is achievable and what is not. I repeat again that, also from the international point of view,
the Germans would gradually orient themselves towards an absolute and imperative idea of
peace if, almost every day, an act of the Allies did not push them up against the wall of their
offended nationalism. There are sanctions and pressures in the Peace Treaty which, as was
even told confidentially by someone who participates in the international councils of the
Allies, end up being either inapplicable or damaging to the Allies themselves. The political
leaders and the public at large need to gain even greater consciousness of the impossibility
and the inapplicability of certain provisions and to spread this knowledge throughout the
world by every means.
— You support it, don’t you, the Association of the League of Nations?
— I support it completely without subscribing to any organization. And on this matter I
do not hide my thoughts. It is necessary to make propaganda for immediate pacification and
for definitive peace. I do not wish to talk about the plans that should be devised in case of

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