D O C . 4 6 3 P A N - E U R O P E 4 6 3
the following suggestion in the second article of his work on Perpetual Peace: “In-
ternational law must have a union of free states as its
basis.”[2]
Europe’s intellectual life presents a wholly different picture from what we see
when we observe the politics of the powers and interests of its various states. In the
majority of cases, a striking contrast existed between those exercising power and
the leading men of intellectual and artistic life, particularly in those countries that
granted free rein to the irresponsible ambitions of dynasties or some ruling castes.
This contrast is explained not just by the diversity of interests; it also arises out of
that fine psychological motive from which intellectual personalities who are “good
Europeans”[3]
in Goethe’s and Nietzsche’s sense emerge, who evade the absurdity
of a pitiful patriotism that would want them to stop behind state borders.
In our epoch, especially after the terrible experiences of the world war, the idea
of a European community has re-awoken to new life and perhaps with greater im-
pact in Germany and in France, the two European nations that have always mutu-
ally enriched each other in the intellectual area, despite their centuries-long politi-
cal feuding. A new point can be raised that permits a certain optimism with
reference to Europe’s future. It is very well possible that a “good European’s” psy-
chology and mentality could give rise to a new policy. As questionable as the
League of Nations has remained to this day in its structure and its work accom-
plished to date, it nevertheless represents the first attempt being made in European
history to put into practice the idea of a European community of states. However,
the League of Nations has not yet freed itself of the old power relations and the Eu-
ropean power groupings. It will not be able to banish the danger that a divided Eu-
rope holds for the world as long as Germany and Russia have not joined it as
well.[4]
The League of Nations still has not found a method by which to unite the
totality of Europe’s most essential components. A short time ago, the idea of a
League of Nations experienced a fruitful addition in the pan-European movement
that originated with Count
Coudenhove-Kalergi.[5]
This movement was inspired by
the continent’s common interests and attitude. It almost seems to me that this move-
ment’s young founder’s program and methods are in reality too artificial and overly
simplified. When the program is put forward by idealistic politicians, the goal it
strives after often lets the practical and theoretical problems appear to be already
solved. A task so full of difficulties as Europe’s unification does not permit simpli-
fication to one design formula; all the complicated preconditions must rather be
cleared up and consolidated in advance.
All in all, though, the idea is striding forward. Not only are idealistic thinkers
professing it, but also political personalities, as can be gathered from the example
[p. 371]
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