x c i v I N T R O D U C T I O N T O V O L U M E 1 5 family lacked a high-quality genetic pedigree (Einstein to Heinrich Zangger, 16 February 1917 [Vol. 8, 299a, in Vol. 10]). [21]See Ettema and Mutel 2014, p. 59. [22]On Eduard during the period of this volume, see Rübel 1986, pp. 23–56. [23]See Vol. 14, Introduction, pp. lii–liv. [24]On Einstein’s affair with Betty Neumann, see Vol. 14, Introduction, pp. lv–lvi. [25]See Doc. 469, note 5. [26]See Vol. 7, “An Interview with Professor Albert Einstein” (Appendix D), pp. 620 and 624. [27]See Cleveland Press, 25 May 1921 Miller to T. C. Mendelhaft, 2 June, American Institute of Physics Archive [70 984]. [28]Later experts who reanalyzed his data also concluded that Miller’s results are consistent with variations caused by temperature changes (see Shankland et al. 1955). [29]See Illy 2006, p. 303, for a drawing of that day by Einstein and Miller’s notes. [30]On Herschel, see also Hoskin 1980. [31]On the Locarno Treaties, see Vincent 1997, pp. 286–287. [32]On Germany’s entrance into the League of Nations, see Winkler 1993, pp. 308 and 315, and Wintzer 2006, pp. 501–504. [33]On the government crisis, see Winkler 1993, pp. 308–310. [34]On the issue of the former princes’ property, see Winkler 1993, pp. 312–315. [35]On the economic crisis, see Hardach 1980, p. 31, Braun, H. 1990, p. 47, and Winkler 1993, p. 311. [36]See Vol. 14, Introduction, pp. xlv–xlvi. [37]On the judicial system during the Weimar Republic and its prosecution of left-wing groups, see Hannover and Hannover-Drück 1966, pp. 192–250, Olenhusen 1971, and Evans 2003, pp. 134–138. [38]For the planning of these events, see Vol. 14, Introduction, pp. lii–liv [39]On the issue of capital punishment in the Weimar Republic, see Evans 1996, pp. 499–561, and Hammel 2010, pp. 62–63. [40]This use of biological terminology that evokes comparisons with eugenic thinking is perhaps less surprising given the context of some of Einstein’s previous statements on the value of life. In 1917, Einstein believed that his own offspring was genetically “inferior” (see note 20), when he even raised the possibility of imitating “the methods of the Spartans” to deal with Eduard’s alleged inferi- ority. A year later, he differentiated between “valuable people,” i.e., those with superior intellect, and those who were less valuable, i.e., “unimaginative average [people],” and who were therefore more expendable in war (see Einstein to Otto Heinrich Warburg, 23 March 1918 [Vol. 8, Doc. 491]). A fur- ther instance of similar judgments related to his close friend Paul Ehrenfest’s youngest son, Wassily, having been diagnosed with Down syndrome. Einstein approved of the plan “to hand the child over to impersonal care,” and added that “valuable people should not be sacrificed to hopeless causes” (see Einstein to Paul Ehrenfest, on or after 22 August 1922 [Vol. 13, Doc. 329]). For more on the limits of Einstein’s humanism, see Rosenkranz 2011, pp. 42–44, 249–250, and 266–267. [41]See, e.g., Einstein’s willingness to assist Austrian physicist and social democrat Friedrich Adler in avoiding the death penalty for assassinating the Austrian prime minister Count Karl von Stürgkh in 1916, and his support for an appeal against the possible execution of the German communist leader Eugen Leviné in 1919 (see Einstein to Friedrich Adler, 13 April 1917 [Vol. 8, Doc. 324], and Einstein to Munich Military Tribunal, 19 May 1919 [Vol. 9, Doc. 44]). [42]On Einstein’s elitism, see Rosenkranz 2011, pp. 43–44 and 184. [43]See Zimmermann 1997, pp. 40–43. [44]In contrast to Weizmann and the Labor Zionists, the right-wing and revisionist Zionists opposed public entrepreneurship and the centrality of the Labor movement in agricultural settlement enter- prises. Instead, they aimed to represent middle-class interests and advocated private economic ventures, especially in urban areas. Furthermore, the revisionists objected to the concept that the Zionist Organisation should be the central body for Jewish settlement in Palestine. They believed the British mandate authorities should provide the framework and infrastructure for a Jewish “national home” by establishing a “colonization regime.” On the political opposition to Weizmann’s policies, see Lavsky 1996, pp. 115–116 and 122–125.